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Global Issues >> International Trade
International Trade
Helping American Workers
Given their concerns for American workers, a majority of
Americans supports having some trade barriers as a means of
protecting workers from sudden job losses, even when this is
weighed against the potential benefit of lower prices. At the
same time, Americans show ambivalence about trade barriers and
a strong majority favors the long-term goal of gradually removing
them. Also, more popular than trade barriers are government
programs that help American workers, through retraining and
education, adapt to a globalizing economy. When it is assumed
that such government programs will be in place, support for
removing trade barriers becomes overwhelming.
As discussed in "Reservations About the Effects of Trade
in Practice," most Americans feel that American workers
are getting little benefit from the growth of international
trade. They are not convinced that trade creates a net increase
in jobs. They are also not convinced that trade increases
the quality of new jobs and, even if it does, a majority does
not feel that this offsets the disruption caused by losing
jobs. Overall they do not feel that US trade policymakers
are giving enough consideration to the needs of working Americans.
Given these concerns for American workers, Americans see
trade barriers as a necessary means of protecting workers
even when this is weighed against the benefit of lower prices.
Presented a trade-off between lower prices and preserving
American jobs, respondents tend to choose preserving jobs.
The possibility of an American worker losing his job carries
much more weight than the prospect of paying lower prices
for consumer products. However, Americans also show ambivalence
about trade barriers and a strong majority ultimately favors
the long-term goal of gradually lowering such barriers.
Readiness to Employ Trade Barriers
Poll questions that elicit the highest percentages opposing
the removal of trade barriers to protect jobs are in response
to questions that ask about the total removal of such barriers.
Since the early 1980s, the Los Angeles Times has asked whether
Americans think "it should be the policy of the United
States to restrict foreign imports into this country in order
to protect American industry and American jobs, or [whether]
there should be no restrictions on the sale of foreign products
in the United States in order to permit the widest choice
and the lowest prices for the American consumer" (emphasis
added). Consistently, about two-thirds of Americans have opted
for restricting imports, while about a quarter of respondents
have preferred no restrictions. In September 1997, 67% favored
restricting imports while just 24% preferred no restrictions.
[1]
Other questions of this type have produced similar results.
In February 1996 a Time/CNN poll found two-thirds agreeing
with the argument that "the United States should tax
foreign goods imported into this country in order to protect
American jobs and wages." Just 27% agreed with the opposing
argument, that the US "should not tax foreign goods
because
this will raise the prices American consumers will have to
pay for these goods" (emphasis added). [2]
Questions that specify that workers in fact suffer as a result
of the removal of trade barriers (rather than presenting this
as a prediction) also get high numbers criticizing their removal.
In the October 1999 PIPA poll, respondents were presented
a scenario in which the US makes a trade agreement that leads
to a US shoe factory closing. The workers have to find new
jobs that pay on average $5,000 per year less, but American
consumers save $20 per pair of shoes. Based on this information,
63% said the US would have made a mistake by entering into
the agreement. [3]
Ambivalence About Trade Barriers
At the same time Americans show ambivalent feelings about
using trade barriers to protect workers. In a variety of poll
questions other values have been elicited that weaken or even
override the support for using trade barriers.
When the principle that workers have a responsibility to
compete in the global market is put against the principle
of protecting workers, support for trade barriers divides.
When a May 1998 Epic-MRA poll asked respondents to choose
between two statements, 47% chose "we should restrict
or ban imports of foreign-made goods in order to protect certain
American jobs," while 45% chose the opposing argument,
that "permanent import barriers artificially prolong
the death of certain types of outmoded jobs-those workers
should compete for work openly in the global marketplace."
This sentiment was also apparent in an October 1999 PIPA poll
that implicitly referred to trade barriers as a form of protection.
Presented two arguments, 48% favored the idea that "we
have a responsibility to make sure that all Americans have
the opportunity to share in the benefits of increased international
trade, even if this slows the growth of trade and the general
US economy." But the statistical equivalent (45%) thought,
"we should do what's best for the growth of the economy,
and leave it to individuals to adapt and take advantage of
the new opportunities created by international trade."
[4]
When the costs of trade barriers are brought into the picture,
support for trade barriers drops to a minority. In October
1999, PIPA initially posed a question about lowering trade
barriers in the textile industry. Sixty-two percent said they
preferred to keep barriers up. This group was then told about
the costs of protection to the economy with the statement,
"Some economic experts have calculated that having these
barriers cost the American economy
mostly due to higher
prices consumers must pay
more than $50,000 for each
job saved." Given this information, the percentage wanting
to preserve the barriers decreased to 40% while the percentage
in favor of lowering them increased to a slight majority of
53%. [5]

Other polls also show that there are limits to how much
Americans are willing to absorb in higher prices to save jobs.
In 1998 and 1999, Epic-MRA (WIIT) asked how much more per
month Americans were willing to include in their budget to
buy only American-made products and goods. In 1999, only 39%
said they would be willing to pay more, while 31% said they
were not willing to pay more, and 30% were undecided. In 1998,
only 34% were willing to spend more, while 41% were not and
25% were undecided. [6]
Concerns that other countries will retaliate by imposing
trade barriers soften support. In 1992, Roper asked whether
"imposing economic penalties against the products of
foreign countries is a good idea to preserve American jobs,
or
a bad idea because it will cause the foreign countries
to take similar actions against our products?" In this
case, 50% said penalties were a good idea, with 39% saying
they were a bad idea. [7]
An argument that free trade would be good because it would
expand imports (and implicitly create jobs) did just as well
as the argument that it would be bad because it would cost
jobs. In April 2000 a Gallup/CNN/USA Today poll found that
43% agreed with the argument that "free trade would be
good for the U.S. because it would help the U.S. economy by
expanding exports," while 45% agreed with the argument
that "free trade would be bad for the U.S. because it
would end up costing the U.S. jobs." [8]
The principle of protecting workers with trade barriers is
also offset by the principle of reciprocally lowering barriers.
As mentioned in "US Trade Policy," in an October
1999 PIPA poll 64% said that if another country is willing
to lower its trade barriers to US products, the US should
be willing to lower its trade barriers. When PIPA followed
up that question by asking if the same was true for low-wage
countries, implying that this would mean wage competition
with American workers, support dropped significantly, but
50% still favored such lowering, while 39% were opposed. In
PIPA's April 1998 poll, though, only 43% favored reducing
trade barriers with countries "with low wages,"
while 48% were opposed. [9]
Strong Support for Gradually Eliminating Trade Barriers
When given more differentiated options, a very strong majority
favors gradually removing trade barriers. For example, given
three options on the question of trade barriers in the October
1999 PIPA poll, only 31% took the unequivocal position in
support of trade barriers: "We should keep up barriers
against international trade because importing cheap products
from other countries threatens American jobs." On the
other hand, only 24% took the unequivocal position in favor
of removing trade barriers immediately: "We should remove
trade barriers now because this allows Americans to sell in
other countries what they do the best job of producing, and
to buy products that other countries do the best job of producing,
saving everybody money." A plurality of 43% elected for
the option that endorsed having trade barriers, but gradually
removing them as workers adapt: "We should lower trade
barriers, but only gradually, so American workers can have
time to adjust to the changes that come with international
trade." Thus 74% endorsed having some trade barriers
for now, but 67% endorsed the view the goal of ultimately
removing them. [10]
Strong Support for Government Programs to Help Workers
More popular than the idea of trade barriers are government
programs that help workers adapt to the changes of a globalizing
economy. This is also consistent with the support for the
goal of removing trade barriers. In PIPA's 1999 poll, when
given two argument options, a two-thirds majority (66%) agreed
that the "federal government should invest in more worker
retraining and education to help workers adapt to changes
in the economy." Just 31% embraced the counter argument
that "such efforts just create big government programs
that do not work very well."[11]

In the same poll, a strong majority of 60% said that government
efforts to help retrain workers who have lost jobs due to
international trade have been inadequate. Just 29% thought
such efforts have been adequate, and only 2% believed them
to be more than adequate. [12]
This is consistent with the public's general support for
government efforts to help with worker retraining. For example,
in March 2000, a Penn, Schoen & Berland poll found that
88% wanted to "increase support for job retraining programs."
A mere 8% were opposed. Also, a January 1996 Knight Ridder
poll found an overwhelming 83% approved of "having [their]
tax dollars used to pay for...retraining programs for people
who have lost jobs." Only 15% disapproved. [13]
Many Americans also feel that making efforts to provide worker
retraining for those who lose jobs due to trade would be an
effective way to help workers deal with the changes of globalization.
In the October 1999 PIPA poll, respondents were asked, "How
well prepared do you think the average American is for the
kind of global economy that will emerge over the next twenty
years?" On a scale with 0 for "not at all prepared"
and 10 for "extremely well prepared," the mean answer
was 4.74. Then, when asked how well prepared the average American
would be if "the US substantially increased the money
spent on education and retraining for adults," the mean
answer jumped to 5.90. [14]
Even more dramatic, in a 1991 poll by Peter Hart 79% said
that "more training and retraining for workers to help
them keep up with new technology and the skills of the future"
would help "a lot" in aiding America to compete
in world trade. Another 16% said retraining would help competitiveness
"some," and only 3% said it would "not really
help" or would be a "step in the wrong direction."[15]
At the same time, however, support for paying more taxes
to support such programs is soft. When presented with a scenario
in which lowering trade barriers reduced the price of clothing
in the US but cost some textile workers their jobs, 51% favored
a "slight increase in taxes to support programs to help
displaced workers get new jobs" while 45% were opposed.
(PIPA, October 1999). [16]
However, the willingness to pay increased taxes is generally
not a good measure of support for a program, as most people
have some other government program that they believe should
be cut first before tax increases become necessary.
As discussed in "Overwhelming Support for Trade When
Workers are Helped," when respondents are given the option
of having government programs to help workers who lose their
jobs due to free trade, support for such programs is strong,
and support for free trade-i.e. the removal of trade barriers--becomes
overwhelming.
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